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Monday, June 2, 2014

Ukraine crisis: Border guards' centre is attacked

Unverified video purporting to show the battle has emerged
Hundreds of separatists in eastern Ukraine are continuing their assault on a border command centre near the city of Luhansk, the border agency says.
It says five militants were killed and eight wounded when the centre came under sustained attack. Seven border guards are said to have been wounded.
A Ukrainian military aircraft was called in to support the centre.
In Luhansk, there was an explosion in the main regional building seized by the separatists several weeks ago.
It was not immediately known what caused the blast. Unconfirmed reports say there were casualties.
Meanwhile, Russia's Gazprom has given Ukraine more time to settle its gas bill after receiving a part payment.
The energy company had previously threatened to halt shipments of gas u


In a separate development, Russia was considering pulling out of the partnership agreement with Nato, Moscow's envoy to the alliance Aleksandr Grushko was quoted as saying by Russia's Interfax news agency.
He also warned that Russia could take "measures of a military character" should there be major deployments in eastern and central Europe.
Poroshenko's pledge A spokesman for Ukraine's border agency, Oleh Slobodyan, said on Monday morning that hundreds of militants had attacked the border centre with heavy weapons.
The agency says fighting is continuing and that the attackers are firing from residential buildings, which makes it difficult for Ukrainian troops to respond.
The attackers - reported by the AP news agency to be wearing uniforms - have promised safety for Ukrainian officers if they surrender and put down their arms.
Correspondents say they have become more and more aggressive in their assaults on government-held positions as they try to obtain weapons and ammunition from Ukrainian forces.
For weeks, Russian-speaking eastern Ukraine has been the scene of deadly clashes between government troops and pro-Russian insurgents who have taken over key buildings across the region.
Ukrainian President-elect Petro Poroshenko has said that his priority is to bring fighting in the east of the country to an end.
"We must make every effort to make sure that no more Ukrainians die at the hands of terrorists and bandits," he said on Friday.
The conflict has intensified in recent days. The rebels say they lost up to 100 fighters when they unsuccessfully tried to seize Donetsk's international airport on 26 May.
Pro-Russian separatists in the regions of Donetsk and Luhansk declared independence after referendums on 11 May, which were not recognised by Kiev or its Western allies.
The rebels took their cue from a disputed referendum in Crimea, which led to Russia's annexation of Ukraine's southern peninsula.

Make Kiswahili official EAC language, appeals lawmaker

Arusha. A member of the East African Legislative Assembly (Eala) from Tanzania, Ms Shy-Rose Bhanji, says Kiswahili should be made one of the official languages of the East African Community (EAC).
She said this can be made possible, if the matter was agreed upon by the secretariat as well as the EAC Council of Ministers, which is the policy organ of the Community.
The lawmaker suggested that official documents, including financial reports of the Community should be translated into Kiswahili to enable many people to access them.
“We have no problem with English being one of the official languages, but Kiswahili being a community-wide language in all the five partner states, it should be given some status in the EAC affairs,” she explained.
The legislator made the plea when contributing to a report on Social Affairs Committee of Eala which is currently holding the budget session for 2014/2015 financial year in Arusha.
She said Kiswahili was more popular among the East African people compared to French, which is the official language of two partner states; Burundi and Rwanda.
Although Kiswahili is the official language in three other member countries of the Community, it is mostly spoken and used in official communication in Tanzania and Kenya.
Other MPs who spoke Nancy Abisai and Nyramirimo Oddete criticised the financial management of some institutions under the EAC, saying their senior officials should be taken to task over the shoddy work. Dr Martin Nduyimana  pointed an accusing finger to the EAC Council of Ministers for failure to act on institutions which performed poorly.

The untold story of Kagera War by TZ, Uganda top soldiers

Tanzania People’s Defence Forces soldiers in a parade during the 50th anniversary celebrations of Tanzania Mainland’s independence at Uhuru Stadium, Dar es Salaam. Thirty five years ago, TPDF troops bravely fought and defeated Ugandan dictator Idi Amini’s invading forces. The war culminated into the ousting of Amin as Ugandan president.


Kampala/Dar es Salaaam. That day they forced me to withdraw the remaining forces from Mutukula to Bigada. By the time we reached Bigada, everybody was trembling. This really weakened us. In early January 1979, my unit was relieved and went back to Masindi.
Shopping for weapons: Gen Kisuule
A week after my return to Masindi, I was called to go to Europe on a special mission to shop for weapons. I went with Yekoko and major Ndibowa. Our destination was Spain; we went down to Bilbao to test the equipment we wanted.
The list included mortars, the Napalm bomb to counter the Saba-saba, and the 112 planes which were to drop the bombs. The Napalm bomb is a fire bomb and when dropped burns a place like fire.
Unfortunately everywhere we went the Tanzanians were tracking, blocking our orders. This was a blessing in disguise because had the Napalm bomb been brought, it would have been the talking subject and not the Saba-saba.
While we were in Spain looking for arms, the Tanzanians entered Uganda.
When I came back from Spain, I went back to Masindi. One night towards the end of February, I got a call that I was needed at State House. At State House, I was told Masaka was captured and I was to lead the battle to recapture it. I went with Amin up to Buganzi Hill to see what was happening.  Amin came back to Kampala, leaving the operation to retake Masaka in my hands. By then, Lukaya was still in our control but our soldiers had looted everything they could lay their hands on, and the locals had all fled. This made us a target anytime and for that reason I decided to put my tactical headquarters in Buwama at the county office, and I ordered all soldiers to stay 500 metres away from the centre.
Unfortunately, they didn’t follow orders and at around 2pm as I was setting up my tactical base in Buwama, the Tanzanians shot at us and eight of my soldiers were killed. I was not sorry for the loss since I had ordered them out of the centre. That night I decided to move closer and monitor the situation; I slept in Kayabwe just on the way to Nkozi University.
Libyans join
The Libyans had now joined us and we mounted heavy guns which they brought on the hills across Katonga; all of them facing Lukaya and we also deployed tanks. We planned to advance to Masaka on March 9 after briefing the more than 1,000 Libyans at Mitala Maria who had come to boost our ranks. They came with many big guns that we did not have like the 122mm mortars.
After giving orders to both Libyans and Ugandan troops at around 3pm, I took valium and gave a tablet to Sule so that we have enough sleep ahead of the long operation to retake Masaka. I was used to taking valium a day before any operation.
A few hours into our sleep we were woken up by the stampede of the fleeing Libyans, their jeeps which had been facing Lukaya were now retreating to Kampala. I told Major Aloysius Ndibowa to block the road so that they don’t retreat.
At about 6pm when the war had started, Sule insisted he was going to move with the tanks. I was coming from the rear  from Kayabwe. The fighting was so fierce and many of my men were killed and tens of jeeps were ferrying dead bodies from the frontline to Kampala. The Saba-saba rocket launcher was giving us a real hard time.
Immediately after Katonga Bridge towards Lukaya, there was a eucalyptus forest on the right hand side. The Tanzanians had laid a death trap for us. Many of our infantry men, including Libyans, were killed there. Sule, who had been walking behind the tanks, was crushed by one of the tanks as he tried to reverse in retreat. It took me long to know he was dead and the president was asking me of his whereabouts but nobody knew.
At around 10am, I told the president to send people to look among the bodies that were brought back to Kampala because I was not seeing him on the battle front. That day we lost many soldiers. Amin later sent me word that the body had been found and that the head had been crushed.
We had managed to force the Tanzanians back and moved my headquarters to Kabale Bugonzi. Unfortunately, there was laxity on our side. Had we kept the momentum, we would have taken back Masaka. I am sure that was the last serious battle and that’s where we lost the war.
Many of the commanders who had survived up to Nyendo instead retreated back to Kampala. When I got back to Buwama, I found Major General Gowan had also left, all the commanders had deserted the front. I told the remaining forces to withdraw back to Buwama. While at Buwama information got to me that the withdrawing troops were wreaking havoc in Masindi, looting everything they could.
About the war
Relations between Tanzania and Uganda had been strained for several years before the war started. After Amin seized power in a military coup in 1971, the Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere offered sanctuary to Uganda’s ousted president, Milton Obote. Obote was joined by 20,000 refugees fleeing Amin’s attempts to wipe out opposition.
A year later, a group of exiles based in Tanzania attempted, unsuccessfully, to invade Uganda and remove Amin. Amin blamed Nyerere for backing and arming his enemies. The relationship between Uganda and Tanzania remained strained for many years. In early October 1978, dissident troops ambushed Amin at the presidential lodge in Kampala, but he escaped with his family in a helicopter. This was during a period when the number of Amin’s close associates had shrunk significantly, and he faced increasing dissent from within Uganda.
When General Mustafa Adrisi, Amin’s Vice President, was injured in a suspicious car accident, troops loyal to Adrisi (and other soldiers who were disgruntled for other reasons) mutinied. Amin sent troops against the mutineers (which included members of the elite Simba Battalion), some of whom had fled across the Tanzanian border.
The rebellion spilled over into Tanzania, where Tanzania-based anti-Amin exiles joined the fighting against Amin’s troops.
Uganda declared a state of war against Tanzania, and sent troops to invade and annex part of the Kagera  Region of Tanzania, which Amin claimed belonged to Uganda.
Nyerere mobilised the Tanzania People’s Defence Forces and counterattacked. In a few weeks, the Tanzanian army was expanded from less than 40,000 troops to over 100,000 including members of the police, prison services, national service, and the militia.

The Tanzanians were joined by several anti-Amin groups consisting of Ugandan exiles, who at a conference in Moshi (Moshi Conference) had united as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). These included Kikosi Maalum commanded by Tito Okello and David Oyite Ojok, FRONASA commanded by Yoweri Museveni, and Save Uganda Movement commanded by Akena p’Ojok, William Omaria, and Ateker Ejalu.
The Tanzanian Army acquired a Soviet BM Katyusha rocket launcher (known in Uganda as saba saba), with which they started to fire on targets in Uganda. The Ugandan Army retreated steadily.
Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi sent 2,500 troops to aid Amin, equipped with T-54 and T-55 tanks, BTR APCs, BM-21 Grad MRLs, artillery, MiG-21s, and a Tu-22 bomber. However, the Libyans soon found themselves on the front line, while Ugandan Army units were using supply trucks to carry their newly plundered wealth in the opposite direction.
The Libyan troops were a mix of regular Libyan Army units, People’s Militia, and sub-Saharan Africans of the Islamic Legion, a further force created by Libya for this type of expeditionary mission.
Tanzania hits back: Gen Lupembe 
The Tanzanians, joined by UNLA dissidents, moved north for Kampala but halted at the vast deep-water swamp north of Lukaya. The Tanzanians decided to send the 201st Brigade directly across the causeway over the swamp while the better-quality 208th Brigade skirted the western edge of the swamp as an alternative in case the causeway was blocked or destroyed.
A planned attack by a brigade-sized Libyan force with fifteen T-55s, a dozen APCs, and BM-21 MRLs, intended to reach Masaka, instead collided with the Tanzanian force at Lukaya on 10 March and sent the 201st Brigade reeling backwards in disarray. However, a Tanzanian counter-attack on the night of 11–12 March from two directions, involving a reorganised 201st Brigade attacking from the south and the 208th Brigade from the north-west, was successful, with many Libyan units, including the militia, breaking and retreating at a run. Libyan casualties were reported at 200 plus another 200 allied Ugandans.
We destroyed Mbarara and Masaka towns in revenge.
By the time Uganda invaded Tanzania in 1978, I was a Lieutenant Colonel, commanding a battalion and had been chosen to command a contingent of the TPDF that was preparing to go to Namibia under the UN peacekeeping mission.
While at Makambaku base where I was preparing my battalion, I got a message from the defence headquarters asking me to go to Mbeya.
With help from the local business community, I mobilised transport to Mbeya where I was told we were to be airlifted to a destination only known by the pilots.
As I waited for the airlifting from Mbeya, I suspected that the Namibia deployment had been cancelled.

 We were airlifted to Tabora, where I met Gen Kiwelu who was the chief planner and commander of the forces preparing to force the Ugandan army out of Tanzanian territory.
My battalion moved with the rest of the troops under Gen Kiwelu’s overall command to Bukoba.
At Bukoba, orders came that we prepare ourselves for war against the invaders from Uganda who had taken over the Kagera Salient.
Soon upon arrival in Bukoba, I was reassigned from a battalion commander to brigade staff officer in the 206th Brigade under General Silas Mayunga which took the western axis to capture Mbarara town.
My responsibility was to write orders for the different battalions. I was assisting the commander to prepare the orders and brief the battalion commanders on what was to be done.
The war was fought in phases and so was the planning. When the war started on December 4, 1979, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s instructions were to first liberate Kagera.
This was the first phase of the war which was completed by early January 1979.
Having finished the first phase, there were demands by some forces, for instance Milton Obote’s group in Tanzania, others in Lusaka, Nairobi, and some from Europe that asked us to help them remove Idi Amin from power.
With the plea from these different groups to help get rid of Amin, Mwalimu Nyerere agreed on Phase Two of the war which was to go up to Masaka and Mbarara.
The Ugandan groups in exile that had pleaded with Nyerere were to be responsible for the fighting once the two towns had fallen.
The capture of the two towns was aimed at two things: one was to gauge Amin’s actions and the other was to destroy and do as much damage to the towns of Mbarara and Masaka as Ugandan troops had done to Kagera Salient, when Amin invaded it.
When my brigade reached there, we really did some destruction. While in Masaka the buildings that were missed by the artillery were destroyed by other explosives when the TPDF got there.

It is difficult to say whether the FRONASA boys led by Museveni were good or not because we had to build a big force.
To do that on the side of TPDF we had to use the people we called Mgambo.
These people had been trained to defend our country and when the need arose to fight, they were called upon.  We also had people from the National Service; they were joined by a team from the police and the prisons in the war against Amin.
Mbarara
While heading to Mbarara, we knew of the Simba Unit, but we didn’t know there was a river passing nearby the town.
Our plan was to encircle Mbarara, then a member of FRONASA told us there was a river and we could not encircle the town.
It was decided we enter the town across the bridge but it had to be secured first before the rest of the troops crossed over.
Fortunately, the bridge was not defended by Amin’s men.  We crossed over easily, entered Mbarara and then spread in different places in the town.
We thought the Simba Battalion had run away.
The Brigade Commander Mayunga and I were watching from a distance as our troops marched into Mbarara town.
From our vantage point, Mayunga, using his binoculars, saw Ugandan soldiers running away from the barracks.
Three days after taking over Mbarara we got more troops and our battalion was rearranged for the mission ahead.

When troops in Masaka started moving to Kampala, we also started moving towards Kasese and later Fort Portal, leaving one battalion behind to guard Mbarara.
While in Kasese, I was posted to the Division head office in Masaka as the Staff Officer replacing Col Kitete who had been appointed to head another newly created brigade.  At the Division headquarters, I was reporting to Msuguri. I would prepare orders for Msuguri to give to the brigade commanders from our military headquarters in Masaka.
When Entebbe fell, the headquarters moved there and that’s where we were based throughout the time TPDF was in Uganda.
We were not housed within State House.
Most of the orders, while we were in Entebbe, were based on the intelligence information we would get through reconnaissance (scouting or exploring- especially to gain information about an enemy or potential enemy).
The other source of intelligence was the local people. They were fed up with Amin. The war should have ended in Masaka and Mbarara.
However, two incidents prompted Phase Three of the war. One was Amin’s remarks when he promised to retaliate on the people of Masaka and Mbarara for having supported the Tanzanians.
“You the people of Masaka and Mbarara have supported the Tanzanians, when they go back you will see,” Amin said.
Mwalimu Nyerere found himself in a tricky position that Amin was threatening to deal with local people and he knew the threats meant killing them.
The other idea of stopping in Masaka was because Mwalimu wanted to talk to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to convince them to condemn Amin for having invaded Tanzania.
But the OAU didn’t do so, as some member countries had their own issues with Tanzania.
The other cause for the push which annoyed Mwalimu most was when former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi said: “Mwalimu, if you don’t remove your forces, I am coming in to help Amin.”

The threats from Libya, the pressure from the Ugandan exiles in Tanzania and other parts of the world, prompted Mwalimu not to back off but continue with the war. Phase Three of the war was to go up to Mpigi and leave the Ugandans to take over Kampala.
Before taking over Kampala, there was the Moshi Conference in Tanzania and they formed a government to come and take over after the fall of Amin.
When Mwalimu asked the Ugandan forces to take over Kampala, they pleaded with Mwalimu to finish up the job as they didn’t have the capacity.
Ugandan troops had tanks supplied by Russians who also supported them. On our side, we used the BM-21 rocket launchers (saba saba) to terrorise Amin’s men.

Monday, January 6, 2014

ZITTO KABWE AVURUMISHA MAKOMBORA MAZITO CHADEMA

 "Lissu anasema nimepewa magari 2 na Mzee Mkono. Anasema kaambiwa na Mkono.

Naamini Mkono alimwambia pia mwaka 2005 alimpa Freeman Aikaeli Mbowe tshs 40m ili Mbowe asifanye kampeni Musoma vijijini.

Nadhani alimwambia pia mwaka 2008 (baada ya orodha ya mafisadi kutangazwa 2007) Mkono alimpa Freeman tshs 20m za uchaguzi wa Tarime na Freeman akasema kwenye chama ametoa mkopo na akalipwa.

Nadhani alimwambia pia kuwa Mwaka 2010 Mkono alimpa Mbowe tshs 200m za kampeni ya Slaa.

Pia hakusahau kumwambia kuwa Rostam Aziz alimpa Mbowe tshs 100m za kampeni. Lissu anajua kuwa gazeti la Tanzania Daima limeanzishwa na fedha za chama kutoka Conservative party?

Nimefanya internship yangu kwa Mkono and Company Advocates kuhusu masuala ya mikataba.

Mzee Mkono ni Mzee wangu na alisaini petition ya kumtoa Waziri Mkuu Pinda.
Lissu awaambie waliyemtuma wamwambie ukweli wote.

Lissu ajue yeye ni kifaranga tu, Mimi namtaka mama wa kifaranga ajitokeze. Aeleze aliingia deal gani na Kinana na Sumaye mwaka 2005 kufuatia deni lake NSSF.

Aweke wazi mkataba kati yake na NHC kuhusu nyumba ya Umma ilipo Club Bilicanas.

They must know I am not a push over. Chacha died, I won't.

Mtu ambaye hawezi kuheshimu mke wake aliyemzalia watoto hawezi kunyooshea mtu kidole kuhusu maadili."

Saturday, January 4, 2014

KIJANA ACHEZEA MKONG'OTO BAADA YA KUJIFANYA KIJOGOO KWA MKE WA MTU

KIJANA ACHEZEA MKONG'OTO BAADA YA KUJIFANYA KIJOGOO KWA MKE WA MTU


HAPA AKIOMBA MSAMAHA BAADA YA KUWEKEWA MTEGO NA KULA KICHAPO CHA KUFUNGIA MWAKA

NIKITOKA HAPA SITARUDIA TENA, NDIVYO ANAVYOONEKANA KUSEMA KIJANA HUYU MKAAZI WA KITUNDA.

MFAHAMU JAJI AUGUSTINO RAMADHANI, TOKA BRIGEDIA JENERALI, JAJI MKUU HADI UCHUNGAJI.


Zanzibar.Baba wa Taifa alipendelea sana kuitwa Mwalimu, kazi aliyoanza kufanya kabla ya kuwa Rais wa kwanza na hadi anastaafu urais jina la Mwalimu hakuliacha hadi mauti yalipomkuta.
Hii inakuwa ni vigumu kwa mtu aliyetumikia nafasi nyingi kwa nyakati tofauti na kwa mafanikio mazuri, nasema mazuri kwa sababu Jaji Augustino Ramadhani aliyestafu Ujaji Mkuu alipaswa pia kuitwa Brigedia Jenerali kwa kuwa pia alilitumikia Jeshi hadi kufikia ngazi hiyo ya Brigedia Jenerali kabla ya kuitwa katika sekta  ya sheria na kutumikia Mahakama hadi kufikia ngazi ya juu kabisa ambayo pia wengi hupenda kuandikwa kwa vyeo walivyowahi kutumikia na kwa sasa amepewa kazi ya ukasisi.
Mbali na kustaafu ujaji, wiki iliyopita alipewa kazi ya ukasisi, alitawazwa rasmi kuwa Mchungaji wa Dayosisi ya Kanisa la Anglikana lililopo Mkunazini Zanzibar  na hivyo kustahili kuitwa cheo cha Mchungaji Augustino Ramadhani.
Mchungaji Augustino aliiambia Mwananchi kuwa alizaliwa Visiwani Zanzibar, Mtaa wa Kisima Majongoo kwenye familia ya watoto wanne wa Mwalimu Mathew Douglas Ramadhani na Bridget Anna Constance Masoud akiwa ni mtoto wa pili katika familia hiyo, aliishi kwa miaka mitatu Visiwani huko na kisha alikuja Tanzania Bara (Tanganyika) akiwa na umri wa kuanza masomo hadi alipohitimu  masomo ya sekondari katika Shule ya Wavulana Tabora na wakati akiwa sekondari ndipo alilpojifunza kupiga kinanda akirithi kipaji cha babu yake Augustino Ramadhani.
Jaji Ramadhani alihitimu elimu ya sekondari mwaka 1965 na kujiunga na elimu ya juu katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam katika fani ya sheria hadi mwaka 1970 alipojiunga katika Jeshi la kujenga Taifa kwa mujibu wa sheria, baadaye aliajiriwa katika Jeshi la Ulinzi la Wananchi (JWTZ) alikofanya kazi za sheria.
Mafanikio zaidi
Alifafanua kuwa aliitwa na aliyekuwa Rais wa pili wa visiwa hivyo, Alhaji Aboud Jumbe mwaka 1978 na kumteua kuwa Naibu Jaji Mkuu kabla ya kuwa Jaji Mkuu wa Zanzibar na mwaka huo huo aliitwa tena jeshini kwa ajili ya kushiriki vita ya Kagera, alipelekwa Uganda na kukaa kwa zaidi ya miezi kumi.
Baada ya vita kumalizika alirudi Tanzania kuendelea na kazi katika sekta ya Sheria na mwaka 1980 aliapishwa kuwa Jaji Mkuu wa Zanzibar.
Anasema, mfumo wa Mahakama  Visiwani haukuwa wa kisheria na alifanikiwa kuubadilisha na kuweka mfumo wenye ngazi za Kimahakama kutoka Wilaya,  Mkoa hadi Mahakama Kuu. Anabainisha kuwa hii ilitokana na kutokuwepo na watu waliosomea sheria ili kuajiriwa katika sekta ya sheria.
“Nilifanikiwa kuondoa mfumo wa mabaraza (Peoples Court) na kuweka mfumo wa mahakama uliofuata ngazi za kimahakama na mahakama ya Rufaa haikuwepo kabisa”, anasema.
Pia aliapishwa kuwa Jaji wa Mahakama ya Rufaa mwaka 1989, mwaka 1990 alihamia jijini Dar es Salaam na Mwaka 1993 hadi 2003 aliteuliwa pia kuwa Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Uchaguzi Tanzania Bara na mnamo mwaka 2002-2007  aliteuliwa kuwa Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Uchaguzi Zanzibar na katika kipindi hicho hicho alikuwa mmoja wa Majaji sita wa Mahakama ya Afrika Mashariki, pia alikuwa ni mmojawapo wa Majaji 11 waliochaguliwa na Marais wa Afrika kwa ajili ya kuitumikia Mahakama ya Afrika ya Haki za Binadamu na ndipo mwaka 2006 alipoteuliwa na Rais Jakaya Kikwete kuwa Jaji Mkuu wa Tanzania.
Baada ya kustaafu kazi ya Ujaji Mkuu mwaka 2010, Jaji Augustino Ramadhani alikataa kuendelea na kipindi kingine baada ya kufanikiwa kufafanua kifungu kinachokataza Jaji kuendelea na kazi ya Ujaji baada ya umri wake wa kustaafu na kuendelea kwa  mkataba  wa ajira, ila anaruhusiwa kuongeza kipindi kimoja tu hata kama bado anazo nguvu za kutumikia Taifa.
Mara baada ya kusimikwa kuwa Mchungaji anasema,  hakuna tofauti kati ya kazi ya Mahakama na kazi ya  Uchungaji kwani zote ni kazi za kufanya maamuzi ya watu wanaodai wapatiwe haki na kubainisha kazi za mahakama ukiamua umeamua ila za kanisa zinataka makubaliano na maridhiano japo zote ni kazi za Mungu.
“Kazi hii ya uchungaji mimi sikuifikiria hata siku moja kwamba nitaifanya ingawa nilisomea nchini Uingereza  na kutunukiwa stashahada. Pia nilikuwa nikishiriki katika shughuli za madhabahuni hasa wakati wa kuwasimika maaskofu kwa kuwa nilikuwa mwanasheria wa kanisa hili hadi nilipoteuliwa kuwa Jaji Mkuu ndipo nilipoamua kuacha wadhifa huo ili kuepuka migongano,”anasema Jaji Ramadhani.
Atafutwa
“Askofu alinifuata mara kwa mara ingawa nilikuwa nikimkatalia lakini mwisho nilikubali kwa kuona kuwa ni sauti ya Mungu iliyokuwa ikiniita kupitia kwake na ndio  leo hii baada ya kutumikia ushemazi kwa zaidi ya miezi sita  nimesimikwa rasmi kuwa mhudumu wa madhabahuni.”
Kwa upande mwingine Jaji anasema, lengo lake lilikuwa baada ya kustaafu akafundishe na lengo hilo limetimia kwani pia kwa sasa ni  Makamu Mkuu wa Chuo cha Tumaini Iringa anapofundisha sheria.
Pia itakumbukwa kuwa wiki hii amekamilisha kazi ya kuunda rasimu mpya ya katiba alipoteuliwa mwaka jana kuwa Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Mabadiliko ya Katiba ya Tanzania.
Hali ya Zanzibar
Akizungumzia hali ya vugu vugu la hali ya visiwani humu kuhusu kushambuliwa kwa viongozi wa dini na kuharibiwa kwa nyumba za ibada anasema tangu miaka ya nyuma akiwa mdogo anakumbuka jinsi walivyokuwa wakishirikiana vizuri na majirani zao kuadhimimisha sikukuu za kidini bila kujali tofauti ya za dini.
“ Nakumbuka wazazi wangu walikuwa wanamwita Mwislamu kuja kuchinja kuku ili wasikwazike wanapokaribishwa kujumuika katika chakula, kwa kuwa walijua kuwa nyama wanayokula  imechinjwa kwa taratibu za dini yao na haitamkwaza na wao pia walikuwa wakitualika kwenye sikuku zao na tulikuwa tukifurahia pamoja.”
Mwananchi pia ilishuhudia amani iliyokuwepo wakati misa ya kumwapisha Jaji Mstaafu Augustino Ramadhani ilipokuwa ikifanyika na hakuwa na uvunjivu wa aina yoyote ya amani licha kuwepo na ulinzi wa kawaida na hakukuwa na Polisi  kama ilivyokuwa wakati wa mkesha wa Siku Kuu ya Krismasi.
Wageni walikuwa wengi na kanisa lilijaa watu waliokuja kushuhudia tukio hilo la kusimikwa kwake.

Chadema ngoma nzito,wafuasi watwangana makonde mahakamani

Dar es Salaam. Vurugu za aina yake zimezuka katika Mahakama Kuu jijini Dar es Salaam, baada ya watu wanaodhaniwa kuwa wanachama wa Chadema  kumzomea aliyekuwa Naibu Katibu Mkuu wa Chama hicho,  Zitto Kabwe.
Vurugu hizo zilihusisha wafuasi wa chama hicho wanaomuunga mkono Zitto na wale wanaompinga, ambao walikuwa wamebeba mabango ya kumsifia na wengine wakiwa wamebeba ya kumkashifu.
Katika vurugu hizo, baadhi ya wanachama hao waliamua kufanya doria isiyo rasmi ndani ya mahakama hiyo ya kuwasaka watu waliodai kuwa ni mamluki,  huku wakimkamata askari kanzu, kabla ya kumpiga ngumi na kumchania shati mtu mmoja wakidai kuwa alikuwa akiwarekodi kwa kutumia simu yake ya mkononi.
Tukio hilo la aina yake lilitokea jana asubuhi ambapo kundi la wanachama hao, huku baadhi wakiwa wamevaa nguo za kaki zinazotumiwa na chama hicho kufika katika mahakama hiyo kwa lengo la kusikiliza  kesi ya pingamizi iliyofunguliwa na Zitto. 
Mara baada ya kuwasili kwa Mbunge huyo wa Kigoma Kaskazini, huku akiwa ameongozana watu kadhaa wakiwamo wanasheria wake na mabaunsa, wanachama hao walianza kumzomea huku baadhi wakimwita fisadi.
Hali hiyo iliibua zogo katika eneo la mahakama hiyo, hali iliyowalazimu maofisa kadhaa wa polisi kuingilia kati kwa kuamua kumchukua Zitto na kumhifadhi kwenye chumba maalumu na kumtoa saa 6 mchana kesi yake ilipoanza kusikilizwa.  Baadhi ya mabango ya kumkashifu  yalisomeka; Zitto tulimpenda, CCM imempenda zaidi, Zitto rudisha fedha za CCM.
Yale yaliyomsifia yalisomeka; Zitto kama Mandela na Zitto ni Mkombozi.Baada ya kumalizika kusikilizwa kwa kesi hiyo, saa 12 jioni wanachama hao walianza kurushiana ngumi, hasa baada ya kuibuliwa kwa mabango yaliyosomeka ‘Zitto kwanza Chadema baadaye’.
Awali hali hiyo ilimfanya Zitto kutaharuki, huku mabaunsa wake wakijihami na kuanza kumlinda.
Baada ya Zitto kuhifadhiwa baadhi ya wanachama hao ambao waliingia kwa kuandikishwa majina yao getini, walianza kuwasaka watu waliowahisi  kuwa mamluki, ambapo walimnasa askari kanzu na kuanza kumzonga wakimuhoji anapeleleza nini katika eneo hilo.
“Hapa tunataka kujua wewe ni nani na unataka nini hapa, maana hatukuelewi kabisa kwa nini unakuja kusikiliza mazungumzo yetu, jitambulishe,” alisisika mmoja wa wanachama hao akimhoji askari huyo huku akiwa amemkandamiza ukutani,
“Tunajua wewe ni askari kwa nini hujavaa sare leo? Kisha unajichanganya kwenye kundi letu.”
Kesi hiyo ilimalizika saa 12 jioni ambapo Zitto alitolewa chini ya ulinzi mkali wa polisi kwa kupitia mlango wa nyuma wa mahakama hiyo na kuwaacha wafuasi hao wakionyeshana ubabe kwa mabango na kauli za kejeli.
Ndani ya mahakama
Kabla ya kuanza kwa kesi hiyo, Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Chadema, Tundu Lissu alimwomba Jaji John Utamwa kuendesha kesi hiyo kwa lugha ya Kiswahili kwa kuwa inagusa  sehemu ya masilahi ya umma, jambo ambalo liliibua shangwe kwa wafuasi wa chama hicho waliokuwa wamefurika katika mahakama hiyo.
Hata hivyo baada ya kesi kuanza kuendeshwa kwa lugha  ya Kiswahili,  Jaji Utamwa alilazimika kuikatiza, na kuwakemea wanachama wa Chadema baada ya sauti za kuguna kusikika wakati wakili wa Zitto,  Albert Msando alipokuwa akiwasilisha hoja kuhusu msingi wa kesi hiyo.
“ Nataka kuwakumbusha hapa mahakamani ni tofauti na sehemu nyingine sauti zinazosikika sizitaki, anayeona kwamba yanayozungumzwa hakubaliani nayo kama hawezi kunyamaza atoke nje vinginevyo hatua za kisheria zitachukuliwa,” alisema Jaji Utamwa.
 Kundi la Wanachadema hao huku wengine wakiwa wamevalia sare zao waliwasili mahakamani hapo ili kusikiliza kesi ya pingamizi iliyofunguliwa na Kabwe akiiomba Mahakama iwazuie Bodi ya Wadhamini wa Chadema, Katibu Mkuu pamoja na Kamati Kuu ya Chadema jana kumjadili, kumchukulia hatua, uamuzi wowote wala kuhusu uanachama wake.
Msingi wa kesi
Juzi Zitto aliomba  Mahakama hiyo kuzuia Kikao cha Kamati Kuu ya Chadema  kumjadili hadi rufaa yake aliyoikata kwenye Baraza Kuu  la Chadema  itakaposikilizwa na kuamuliwa na wazuiwe kumwingilia katika utekelezaji wa majukumu yake ya ubunge wa Kigoma Kaskazini .
Pia aliiomba Mahakama hiyo Kuu kumwamuru  Katibu Mkuu wa Chadema, Dk Wilbroad Slaa  ampatie nakala ya mashtaka na maelezo ya uamuzi uliofikiwa na  Kamati Kuu  Novemba 22, 2013 na kusababisha avuliwe nyadhifa zake ili aweze kupeleka rufaa yake Baraza Kuu la Chadema kupinga uamuzi huo.

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